Showing posts with label coup. Show all posts
Showing posts with label coup. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 26, 2024

Demand that the U.S. oppose the Coup in Bolivia

 Subject: Send a letter: Call on your electeds: denounce the coup in Bolivia! 




I wrote a letter for the Action Network letter campaign: Call on your electeds: denounce the coup in Bolivia! .

On June 26, 2024 military forces entered the Bolivian capital of La Paz in an apparent attempt to depose the democratically-elected government of Sergio Arce, who represents the Movement for Socialism party and its popular, grassroots indigenous base. World leaders have already denounced the coup, including Lula of Brazil, AMLO of Mexico, and even the secretary-general of the US-backed Organization of American States. However, the US State Department and even progressive congresspeople have up to this point remained silent. The right-wing reaction must not be allowed to depose one of Latin America's most popular left-wing governments! Call on your representatives and President Biden to clearly and loudly denounce the coup and restore sovereignty to President Arce and the people of Bolivia. Solidarity with Bolivia! ¡Solidaridad con Bolivia!

Can you join me and write a letter? Click here: https://actionnetwork.org/letters/bolivia?source=email&

Thanks!

Monday, September 11, 2023

Response to the Chilean Coup of 1973

  

                        Chilean president Salvador Allende speaks before the United Nations General Assembly in New York City on December 4, 1972. (Bettmann / Getty Images)


We have a new post up on N.S. by DSA leader David Duhalde about the Chilean Coup of 1973, and U.S. Socialists response.

https://www.dsanorthstar.org/blog/immediately-after-the-1973-chilean-coup-us-socialists-supported-those-fighting-for-freedom

 

Immediately After the 1973 Chilean Coup, US Socialists Supported Those Fighting for Freedom

 

BY

DAVID DUHALDE

The moment that Salvador Allende was violently deposed on September 11, 1973, democratic socialists in the US knew it was a crime. They joined others around the world organizing solidarity efforts and supporting political refugees.

 

In August, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and several congressional leaders visited Brazil, Colombia, and Chile to meet with leftist activists and elected officials — a goodwill trip that the Wall Street Journal dubbed “AOC’s Socialist Sympathy Tour.” In Chile, Ocasio-Cortez and her colleagues insisted that the US government declassify more documents related to Washington’s support for the coup that overthrew socialist president Salvador Allende in 1973.

Bowing to pressure, the State Department released several of President Richard Nixon’s daily briefings concerning the Chilean military’s movement against the democratically elected government. As the memos show, Nixon knew at the time of the coup that Allende was open to a “political solution” (likely holding a plebiscite) and hoped to “fend off a showdown,” which he never got the chance to do. The revelations confirmed that the United States went into the putsch with its eyes wide open and still backed a coup that wiped out Chilean democracy.

AOC and the delegation’s successful push for declassification is the latest action in nearly five decades of US democratic socialist solidarity with Chileans, stretching back to the Democratic Socialists of America’s two predecessor organizations: the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee (DSOC) and the New American Movement (NAM). While not the primary US movers of what became known as Chile Solidarity — the global social movement supporting democratic rights in the Southern Cone country — DSOC and NAM, in their publications and organizing, played a real role in opposing Chile’s military dictatorship.

In Jacobin. 

https://jacobin.com/2023/09/chile-coup-allende-dsco-nam-democratic-socialists-america-aoc

 

Chilean president Salvador Allende speaks before the United Nations General Assembly in New York City on December 4, 1972. (Bettmann / Getty Images)

 

 

Monday, September 28, 2020

Cosas Que Debes Saber para detener un golpe de estado

 

 

Si bien es imprescindible mantener a la gente concentrada en un proceso electoral sólido y fuerte, también debemos prepararnos para un golpe de estado.

 

Daniel Hunter September 18, 2020

 

Tenemos un presidente que ha dicho abiertamente que podría no respetar el resultado de las elecciones. Tenemos que prepararnos por si declara su victoria antes de que se cuenten los votos, por si intenta detener el conteo de votos o por si se niega a aceptar la derrota.

Algunos días tengo confianza en que esto sucederá. Una encuesta mostró que más del 75 por ciento de los demócratas creen que esto es posible, ¡y un sorprendente 30 por ciento de los republicanos también lo creen!

Otros días estoy seguro de que se trata de la mano dura de un presidente que no planifica. Aún así, él es muy bueno en este tipo de despiste que puede mantenernos en una posición confiada y reaccionaria, lo que podría llevarnos a dejar de hacer el importante trabajo de base para conseguir el voto, proteger la oficina de correos y luchar contra la represión del voto.


·  We need a plan to prevent a Trump takeover — and this anti-coup research shows the way

Lo que sugiero no es que dejemos de hacer lo que estamos haciendo ahora. De hecho, soy parte de un esfuerzo colectivo llamado Choose Democracy, que está preparando a la gente para la posibilidad de un golpe de estado, al tiempo que la mantiene enfocada en un proceso electoral sólido y fuerte. Después de todo, la mejor manera de detener un golpe es evitarlo.

Estas pautas provienen de un número amplio de experiencias y evidencias de los muchos países que han experimentado un golpe de estado desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Algunos casos de estudio detallados pueden encontrarse en Choose Democracy o en un manual más extenso basado en evidencias, pertinente para el momento presente, llamado “Hold the Line: A Guide to Defender Democracy.”

1. No espere resultados la noche de las elecciones.

La temporada de elecciones 2020 se perfila bastante extraña. Es posible que muchas papeletas enviadas por correo no se cuenten hasta días o semanas después del día de las elecciones. Ya que se espera que los demócratas utilicen el voto por correo con más frecuencia que los republicanos, se espera que el conteo de votos por correo se mueva hacia el lado demócrata la noche después de las elecciones (lo llaman un “cambio azul”). Como resultado, una ola de confusión puede desarrollarse a partir de la noche de las elecciones.

El extraño Colegio Electoral crea múltiples puntos de intervención. Después de la noche de las elecciones (3 de noviembre), la denuncia falsa de votos fraudulentos puede ocasionar que un fiscal general descarriado u otros funcionarios gubernamentales intenten detener el recuento o excluir los votos.

A medida que los resultados de las elecciones comiencen a llegar, el mensaje debe ser alto y claro: cuenten todos los votos y respeten el resultado.

El 14 de diciembre, los delegados del Colegio Electoral se reúnen y votan por el resultado de su estado. Por lo general, esto se hace sin fanfarrias, pero en los estados en disputa, es posible que veamos a los gobernadores y legisladores estatales declarando resultados diferentes: uno que refleje los resultados de los votantes; el otro que reclame que “es un fraude” y “nosotros sabemos más”. Esto es preocupante en estados “oscilantes” como Pennsylvania, donde el gobernador y la legislatura estatal son de partidos diferentes.

El nuevo Congreso resolverá todos estos problemas el 6 de enero. Y si la Cámara de Representantes y el Senado no están de acuerdo con el resultado, entonces se desarrolla un proceso complicado en el que la Cámara recién asentada, a través del proceso de un estado/un voto, determina al presidente. Mientras tanto, el Senado (por mayoría) vota por el nuevo vicepresidente. (#ShutDownDC proporciona un desglose visual paso a paso de este proceso).

Durante este tiempo, espere afirmaciones falsas y extravagantes. Tenga mucho cuidado con las noticias. No se limite a transmitir cualquier cosa que parezca un ejemplo dramático de irregularidades, pero tómese el tiempo para verificar que la noticia sea cierta, ya desacreditada o de una fuente en la que no confía. Anime a las personas de su comunidad a prepararse para algunas semanas de incertidumbre. A medida que los resultados de las elecciones comiencen a llegar, el mensaje debe ser claro: cuenten todos los votos y respeten los resultados.

2. Llámalo un golpe de estado.

Una de las razones por las que es importante usar el lenguaje de un golpe de estado es que la gente sabe que está mal y que es una violación de las normas democráticas, incluso si no están familiarizados con la definición exacta de golpe de estado.

Tenemos que estar preparados para declarar alto y claro: esto es un golpe de estado.

Expresiones como “manipulación electoral” o “supresión del voto” señalan el deterioro del proceso democrático. Pero si entramos en un escenario de golpe (donde Trump simplemente no dejará la presidencia) debemos ayudar a otras personas a facilitar a nuestro país esta entrada en una crisis.

Sabemos que es un golpe de estado si el gobierno:

  • Deja de contar votos;
  • Declara ganador a alguien que no obtuvo la mayor cantidad de votos; o
  • Permite que permanezca en el poder alguien que no ganó las elecciones.

Estas son líneas rojas que la gente puede captar de inmediato (y en las que la mayoría de los estadounidenses sigue creyendo).

Las personas que toman el poder de manera autoritaria reivindican que lo hacen para salvar la democracia o afirman que conocen los resultados electorales “reales”. Así que esto no tiene por qué parecer un golpe militar con un líder ordenando el arresto de la oposición. Si alguno de esos tres principios es violado, tenemos que declarar alto y claro: Esto es un golpe de estado.

3. Sepa que la gente común ha detenido golpes de estado.

Se han producido intentos de golpe en todo el mundo y más de la mitad han fracasado. Eso es porque los golpes de estado son difíciles de orquestar. Son una violación de las normas que requieren la rápida toma de múltiples niveles de las instituciones del estado con el reclamo de que son los herederos legítimos.

Los golpes tienden a fracasar cuando se confía en las instituciones gubernamentales (como las elecciones), hay una ciudadanía activa y otras naciones están listas para participar.

El papel de la ciudadanía es fundamental. Eso se debe a que, durante el período inmediatamente posterior a un intento de golpe de estado, cuando el nuevo gobierno afirma que es el gobierno “real”, todas las instituciones tienen que decidir a quién escuchar.

Para comenzar a prepararse, hable con al menos 5 personas que irían a la calle con usted; la forma más segura de salir a la calle es con personas que conoce y en las que confía.

Un golpe fallido en Alemania en 1920 nos sirve de ejemplo. La población se sintió abatida por la derrota en la Primera Guerra Mundial y el alto desempleo. Los nacionalistas de derecha organizaron un golpe y consiguieron la ayuda de algunos generales para apoderarse de los edificios gubernamentales. El gobierno depuesto huyó, pero ordenó a todos los ciudadanos que les obedecieran. “Ninguna empresa debe funcionar mientras reine la dictadura militar,” declararon.

Rápidamente comenzó una resistencia pacífica generalizada. Las imprentas se negaron a imprimir los periódicos del nuevo gobierno. Los funcionarios públicos se negaron a cumplir las órdenes de los golpistas. Y se difundieron en avión y a mano folletos que pedían el final del golpe.

Hay una historia del líder golpista deambulando por los pasillos buscando en vano una secretaria que mecanografíe sus proclamas. Los actos de resistencia crecieron y finalmente el gobierno democrático (que aún tenía graves problemas) recuperó el poder.

Los momentos posteriores a un golpe son momentos de heroísmo de la población general. Así es como la democracia se hace real.

4. Prepárese para actuar con rapidez – y no lo haga solo.

Normalmente, las tomas de poder se organizan en secreto y se lanzan de repente. La mayoría de las campañas que derrotan los golpes de estado lo hacen en días: la Unión Soviética, en 1991, tomó tres días; Francia, en 1961, tomó cuatro días, y Bolivia, en 1978, tomó 16 días.

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Es raro que el líder de un país admita públicamente que tal vez no respete los resultados de una elección. Esto es una buena noticia, porque las personas que detienen los golpes rara vez tienen la oportunidad de recibir entrenamiento, una advertencia o preparación alguna. De esta manera, les llevamos la delantera.

Un grupo de expertos de D.C. llamado Transition Integrity Project ejecutó múltiples simulaciones, como lo que podría suceder si Biden gana por un pequeño margen o si Trump simplemente declara la victoria sin que haya un ganador claro. En cada simulación concluyeron que una “cantidad importante de personas en las calles puede ser decisiva”. Las personas comunes marcan la diferencia.

5. Enfóquese en los valores democráticos compartidos por todos, no en valores individuales.

En Argentina, en 1987, se inició un golpe de Estado cuando un alto mando de la Fuerza Aérea, resentido por los intentos de democratizar al ejército y ponerlo bajo el control civil, organizó a cientos de soldados en su base.

Mientras el gobierno civil intentaba negociar discretamente un acuerdo, la gente salió a las calles. Contra las súplicas del gobierno, 500 ciudadanos comunes marcharon a la base con el lema “¡Viva la democracia! ¡Argentina! ¡Argentina!”. Podrían haberse dedicado a atacar directamente al alto mando. En cambio, estaban apelando a sus conciudadanos para que eligieran la democracia.

El militar trató de mantenerlos alejados con un tanque de guerra, pero los manifestantes entraron a la base de todos modos, y él sabía que disparar abiertamente contra civiles no violentos le haría perder más credibilidad. Pronto 400.000 personas salieron a las calles de Buenos Aires para manifestarse en contra del golpe.

Los golpes no son un momento para quedarse mirando y esperando hasta que “alguien más” decida qué hacer. No importa quién sea, usted puede ser una parte en el rescate de la democracia.

Esto dio fuerza al gobierno civil (que en gran parte había estado ausente). Las organizaciones civiles, la iglesia católica, los grupos empresariales y los sindicatos se unieron bajo el compromiso de “apoyar de todas las formas posibles la constitución, el desarrollo normal de las instituciones de gobierno y la democracia como la única forma de vida viable”. Los golpistas perdieron su legitimidad y pronto se rindieron.

Este enfoque es diferente al de los manifestantes que salen a la calle con una lista de problemas o una queja contra un líder vilipendiado. En cambio, es una exaltación de valores democráticos fundamentales ampliamente compartidos. En nuestro proyecto usamos la expresión “elegir la democracia”.

Esto afirma otro hallazgo de la investigación antigolpista: debido a que los golpes son un ataque a la institución actual, las personas leales a la forma tradicional, quienes quizás nunca se unan a otras causas del movimiento, están abiertos a unirse a acciones directas en la calle. Eso pasará si basamos la invitación en la importancia de cuidar los valores democráticos con los que se conectan.

6. Convenza a la gente de que no se congele o simplemente siga adelante.

Imagine que en su trabajo despiden a un jefe corrupto y traen a uno nuevo. Y en lugar de irse, su antiguo jefe dice: “Todavía estoy a cargo. Haz lo que te digo”. Un grupo de tus compañeros de trabajo dicen: “Sólo recibimos órdenes del antiguo jefe”. En ese momento, surge la duda.

Esa duda es la que hace que los golpes triunfen. Demasiada gente se congela. Incluso cuando solo unas pocas personas están de acuerdo con el golpe y actúan como si fuera normal, la gente puede llegar a aceptarlo de mala gana como inevitable.

En toda la investigación sobre la prevención de golpes, hay un tema en común: la gente deja de hacer lo que los golpistas le dicen que haga.

 

 

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

Así fue el plan secreto para sacar a Evo Morales de Bolivia en un avión ...

Coup in Bolivia

The Bolivian Coup: What the Mainstream Media Don’t Tell You
Bolivia’s oligarchy launched an orgy of racist and fascist violence to oust president Morales
November 12, 2019 Francisco Dominguez  MORNING STAR

https://portside.org/2019-11-1https://portside.org/2019-11-12/bolivian-coup-what-mainstream-media-dont-tell-you2/bolivian-coup-what-mainstream-media-dont-tell-you

Thursday, September 11, 2014

The Other 9/11. Chile in 1973

To mark the 41st anniversary of the military coup that overthrew Salvador Allende's democratically elected socialist government in Chile on 9/11 of 1973, we're pleased to post the first article in a two-part series by Jorge A. Lawton, who worked as a Latin American analyst on the Senate “Church Committee,” and as an advisor to former Chilean Foreign Minister, Orlando Letelier, until his assassination in September 1976. -- Ed.
By Jorge A. Lawton
Pre-dawn on Tuesday morning, Sept. 11, 1973, three years of relentless intervention by the hemisphere's greatest power, the United States, succeeded both in choking off Chile's historic experiment in its “transition to socialism through democracy,” and in giving birth to the brutal years of Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship. For many reasons, both U.S. perception and policy against the “Allende experiment in socialism,” as well as U.S. support for and use of the Pinochet alternative, are rich in present day and future lessons. Close examination also reveals how the same relatively limited repertoire of policy tools is likely to be available to implement U.S. interests today and in the future (for ex., destabilization efforts in Venezuela).

Tuesday, July 29, 2014

Child Refugees: The consequences of the 2009 Coup in Honduras

When the Obama Administration and Hillary Clinton supported the results of the coup. See here http://antiracismdsa.blogspot.com/2009/12/murders-of-resistance-activists-in.html

If we’re going to discuss the root causes of the current Honduran refugee crisis, let’s get a few things straight.

First, the U.S. government has and continues to fund, orchestrate and support coups across Latin America.

Most Americans who know anything about Latin American history will readily highlight Guatemala in 1954, Chile in 1972 and Nicaragua in the 1980s as prime examples of the United States’ antidemocratic tendencies in the region. A few might even mention Panama in 1903 and 1989, Honduras in 1911, Haiti and the Dominican Republic under Wilson, Nicaragua in 1934, El Salvador in ’44, Cuba in ’61, Brazil in ’64, the D.R. again in ’65, Uruguay in ’73 and Venezuela in 2002.

There are countless other instances. I’ve just picked the least disputed.

Yet how many people would cite the most recent U.S.-backed coup in Latin America?

Friday, June 22, 2012

Coup in Paraguay - it matters

What Will Washington Do About Fernando Lugo's Ouster in
Paraguay?

    This hasty, trumped-up impeachment of President
    Lugo amounts to a coup d'etat. The US must back
    democratic process

by Mark Weisbrot
Friday June 22, 2012
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/jun/22/washington-fernando-lugo-ouster-paraguay

Paraguay's president, former Catholic bishop Fernando
Lugo, greeting the crowd after his swearing-in ceremony
in Asunción, in 2008. Photograph: Ivan Alvarado/Reuters
A coup d'etat is taking place right now, Friday
afternoon, in Paraguay.

That is how it has been described by a number of
neighboring governments. And the Union of South American
Nations (UNASUR) is treating it as such, taking it very
seriously. All 12 foreign ministers (including those of
Brazil and Argentina, who are deeply concerned) flew to
Asunción Thursday night to meet with the government, as
well as the opposition in Paraguay's Congress.

The Congress of Paraguay is trying to oust the
president, Fernando Lugo, by means of an impeachment
proceeding for which he was given less than 24 hours to
prepare and only two hours to present a defense. It
appears that a decision to convict him has already been
written, and will be presented Friday evening (at 20.30
GMT). It would be impossible to call this due process
under any circumstances, but it is also a clear
violation of Article 17 of Paraguay's constitution,
which provides for the right to an adequate defense.

Thursday, September 30, 2010

Ecuador- the start of a coup




No Room For Ambivalence: Support President Rafael Correa and Ecuadorean Democracy

Today a group of police instigated an uprising against the democratically elected government of President Rafael Correa in Ecuador. They physically attacked Correa and kidnapped him to a police hospital in Quito. Police continue to viciously attack unarmed and unprotected supporters of the constitutional order with tear gas and rubber bullets. One protestor is confirmed dead, and the coup attempt has spread to Guayaquil and Cuenca. The police are also attacking the press.
Men and women attempting to reach the president in the heavily guarded hospital are advancing in the streets with their hands in the air, as a sign of non-violence.

What began ostensibly as a labor protest by a small group of police officers has clearly become an attack on Ecuadorean democracy. In a special session of the Organization of American States, members issued a unanimous resolution supporting Correa and UNASUR has stated its unqualified support for the president.

President Correa confirmed that he is being held captive and stated unequivocally that his government will not engage in dialogue with the police as long as he is held hostage and the population is being savagely repressed.
This is no time for ambivalence.
We hope that the U.S. does more for democracy than it did in Honduras.


Monday, June 28, 2010

Honduran coup- one year later

One Year Later: Honduras Resistance Strong Despite US-Supported Coup

by Bill Quigley and Laura Raymond
One year ago, on June 28, 2009, Honduran President Manuel Zelaya was awakened by gunfire. A coup was carried out by US-trained military officers, including graduates of the infamous US Army School of the Americas (WHINSEC) in Georgia. President Zelaya was illegally taken to Costa Rica.
Democracy in Honduras ended as a de facto government of the rich and powerful seized control. A sham election backed by the US confirmed the leadership of the coup powers. The US and powerful lobbyists continue to roam the hemisphere trying to convince other Latin American countries to normalize relations with the coup government.
The media has ignored the revival of US hard power in the Americas and the widespread resistance which challenges it.
A pro-democracy movement, the Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular (FNRP) formed in the coup’s aftermath. Despite horrendous repression, it has organized the anger and passion of a multitude of mass-based popular movements -- landless workers, farmers, women, LGBTQ folks, unions, youth and others -- and spread a palpable energy of possibility and hope throughout the country.
These forces of democracy have been subjected to police killings, arbitrary detentions, beatings, rape and other sexual abuse of women and girls, torture and harassment of journalists, judges and activists. Prominent LGBTQ activists, labor organizers, campesinos and youth working with the resistance have been assassinated. Leaders have been driven into exile.

Thursday, December 24, 2009

Fraud in Honduran elections

Election report.  In Spanish.

http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=4654

Monday, November 02, 2009

Agreement in Honduras?



By ESTEBAN FELIX (AP) –

TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — Lawmakers will wait until Tuesday to consider a U.S.-brokered agreement that could return deposed President Manuel Zelaya to power, despite diplomats' pleas to not delay an end to the country's 4-month-old political crisis.
Monday is a holiday in Honduras, and many legislators are busy campaigning for Nov. 29 elections that will also elect a successor to Zelaya.
Nonetheless, Zelaya said Saturday that he hopes he will be back in office by Thursday, the deadline for the two sides to establish a power-sharing government.
"By Thursday, the government of national unity should be installed," he said in a meeting broadcast by Radio Globo. "By that day, point No. 5 has to be resolved," he added, referring to the clause of the agreement that covers his return to office.

Tuesday, October 06, 2009

Republican Congresswoman recognizes Golpistas in Honduras

Republican Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (Florida) recognizes the government of the coup in Honduras.

http://www.cnnexpansion.com/videos?bcpid=1079069477&bclid=560421675&bctid=43802496001

Monday, September 28, 2009

OEA discute crisis in Honduras

HereOEA discute crisis in Honduras

http://www.cnnexpansion.com/videos?bcpid=1079069477&bclid=560421675&bctid=42454153001

Monday, September 21, 2009

Zelaya returns to Honduras; what will U.S. do

Zelaya's Return to Tegucigalpa Brings Coup Closer to its End
* Calls for face-to-face dialogue, without mediation
* Coup "betrayed and made a mockery of" the Arias process
* Zelaya building public international support and meeting with resistance leaders
* Calls for Hondurans from around the country to gather in Tegucigalpa

At midday today, 86 days since the military coup d'etat in Honduras, President Zelaya returned to join the resistance movement in the final stretch of the long fight to restore constitutional order. As a spy helicopter buzzed the demonstrators and police poured into the area, thousands of supporters gather outside the Brazilian embassy to receive the President. (Telesur has continuous coverage here in Spanish.)

In his first comments, Zelaya declared a "day of celebration." Zelaya called on everyone to gather at the Brazilian Embassy, and reasserted the commitment to non-violence. "I'm not afraid of the judicial process," he affirmed and added he would face any accusations but that so far all the coup had produced was calumnious statements.

Zelaya is lining up his support and his strategy in these moments. He announced that he was waiting for communication from President Lula, the OAS, the United Nations, the European Union and others in an interview with Telesur. He said his plan is to initiate internal dialogue and that the idea is to demonstrate the support of the international community without involving it in the dialogue. He added that he has not spoken with de facto government and was meeting with his cabinet and resistance groups.

The legitimate president of Honduras called on the Armed Forces to maintain the calm. "The Armed Forces are part of the people, they come from the villages and neighborhoods and should never point their guns at their own people," he stated. He urged a process to "recover peace and tranquility" in the country.

Although the police are deploying to control the growing crowd, resistance leaders are maintaining control. In a Telesur interview, Juan Barahona, a leader of the National Front Against the Coup, expressed his opinion that the "Army cannot launch an offensive here—there are too any people."

A visibly shaken Roberto Michelleti appeared before on CNN, denying that the Zelaya was in the country and claiming that the news was an invention of "media terrorism" to stir people up and provoke a huge mobilization. "It's not true. He (Zelaya) is relaxing in a suite in Managua," Micheletti told the press with a chuckle. He later added that if the news turned out to be true, Zelaya would be arrested.

By that time, Zelaya's return had already been confirmed. As the coup chief went into denial, Guatemalan President Alvaro Colom confirmed the news, stating that he hoped this would mean the end of the coup. US State Department spokesperson Ian Kelly confirmed the presence of Zelaya in Honduras in a brief statement calling for all sides to avoid violence, and President Chavez of Venezuela praised Zelaya for what he called his "peaceful and courageous" return. Zelaya is reportedly meeting with resistance leaders at this moment.

By showing up without violent confrontations at the Brazilian Embassy before thousands of cheering supporters, Zelaya plays his strongest cards. As most eyes were on the Obama adminsitration—and with good reason given its power in affecting economic and political sanctions—Brazil has been a low-profile but high-impact actor in the drama. Its power as a regional leader carries clout not only with other nations throughout Latin American but also with the United States, which cannot risk strained relations with the South American giant.

Hondurans are expected to continue to arrive in Tegucigalpa from all over the country. This massive display of support also strengthens Zelaya's hand. His most important base and chance for restoration has been in the popular mobilizations that have not missed a day since June 28.

Zelaya's peaceful journey and bloodless return also underline the non-violent character of the resistance movement since the beginning. The president gained the capital without provoking confrontation, thus taking the wind out of the sails of the State Department's previous reasons for opposing his return. Now he is back in the capital, close to a return to power—a condition of the San Jose Accords. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has no excuse for not supporting Zelaya's return and efforts at internal reconciliation.
Posted by Laura Carlsen at 11:13 AM
The Americas blog.
0 comments:

Wednesday, September 16, 2009

Honduran grass roots organizing grows

The political crawl space that Honduran coup leaders packed themselves into on June 28 would appear to be running out of air.

A burgeoning grassroots movement from below and continued pressures from the international community above have reduced the space, although the coup-mongers continue to control access to the state apparatus and use the Armed Forces to support their stand-off with the world and the Honduran people. They stubbornly insist that they will run their illegal government, stage their unrecognized elections, spend out the coffers of their impoverished and divided nation—no matter what anybody says or does. From their basement stronghold, the strategy of hunkering down relies on military forces in the streets to fend off challenges and reliable sources of outside supplies. With grassroots challenges growing throughout the country and outside supplies being cut off, the question the world is asking is: how long can this last?

Pressure or Simulation from Above?

Measuring the coup's current air supply is a tricky undertaking. There are few, if any historical precedents. South America's military dictatorships lasted decades, but at a huge human cost in assassinations and repression, without the international opprobrium and sanctions and with support from the U.S. government.

One part of the task at hand is to evaluate the real impact of current sanctions against the Honduran coup. On Sept. 3, the State Department announced the termination of $33 million dollars, including $11 million in Millennium Challenge Funds and approximately $22 in State Department funds. The State Department finally broke down these numbers for reporters in a teleconference: $9.4 million from USAID (including $8.7 million in development assistance and Economic Support Funds and $2.7 million in child survival and health), State Dept. money at $8.96 million ($6.5 million in Foreign Military Financing, $361,000 in International Military Education and Training, and $1.72 million in global peacekeeping operations) and $1.7 in 1206 security assistance. This is added to the $16.5 million in military aid suspended in July.

State Department officials closed the door on determining legally that a military coup took place in Honduras and requiring application of Section 7008 of the Foreign Operations law. They assured reporters that all funds that could be suspended under Section 7008 have now been suspended. This is a highly debatable contention that requires further research.

In any case, the sanctions imposed are dwarfed by the money that continues to go to the illegal regime. The State Department has admitted that $70 million in aid—over twice the amount suspended—will still flow to the coup. Following its meeting, the Millennium Challenge Fund declared on Sept. 9 the formal suspension of the $11 million. But Bill Conroy at Narco News reports that the Millennium Challenge Fund plans to sustain an estimated $100 million in funds to Honduras from now through the end of 2010. Funds that have already been disbursed are not even under review.

Then there are the international financial institutions where the U.S. has a controlling vote. Although the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank and International Monetary Fund announced in early July a freeze on loans to Honduras, not all disbursements on approved loans are halted. The Americas Program has found that the IDB approved four loans in the four days before the coup—when the press was already reporting an imminent rupture. This was the highest concentration of approvals in recent history and total over $70 million dollars. IDB President Luis Alberto Moreno stated that the bank would not be providing any new credits, meaning disbursements on these loans continue.

Diplomatic sanctions have been equally ambiguous. The refusal to issue the official designation of a military coup is an unjustifiable omission in legal and moral terms, regardless of the sanctions imposed. One reporter asked: "But for the lay person, it’s very hard to understand, I think, why you wouldn't view it as a military coup when the military was clearly so intimately involved in his removal from office and exile." State Department Officials One and Two both eluded the question, stating only that an "important signal" was being sent through the actions. The move has more bark than bite though, since all the aid terminated had already been suspended. Now with the seeming refusal to ever declare the military coup, the State Department has taken a step backwards in opposing the coup and cut Congress out of any process of reviewing all U.S. aid to the coup regime or deciding on when suspensions are lifted.

Sending mixed messages appears to be the official U.S. policy on Honduras these days. The press reported that the U.S. Department of Defense invited the same Honduran Armed Forces that carried out the coup to participate in the regional PANAMAX exercises this week. A flurry of confusion ensued, with SouthCom stating that Honduras will not participate, the Honduran ambassador to Panama stating that Honduras is participating, and a Panamanian spokesperson for the exercises stating that Honduras was invited but will not send warships. Ambassador Juan Alfaro, loyal to President Zelaya, threw more fuel on the fire by adding, What seems odd to me is that military aid was suspended right after the coup and this shows that the Pentagon acts in one way and Obama in another. In another contradiction, School of the Americas Watch reports that the U.S. training facility linked to coup-mongers and torturers continues to train Honduran military personnel.

Some other measures announced by the U.S. government may be more effective in cutting off air supply to the coup than the weak sanctions and contradictory military cut-off. Visas were revoked for coup members, including leader Roberto Micheletti, business supporters and the 14 members of the Supreme Court. Perhaps most significant is the announcement that the U.S. government will not recognize the results of the November elections if they occur under the de facto regime. This announcement, followed by a similar announcement by the OAS, isolates the coup regime in its efforts to stage elections in a militarized country.

However, the U.S. has still not frozen the assets of those responsible for the coup. Questions exist about continued funding through democracy-promotion programs. These measures, or lack of measures, provide a continued air supply to the de facto regime. Support from international rightwing organizations also sustains the Honduran coup, although details of material and training support from these sources are scarce.

Hondurans Step up Grassroots Organizing

As all this goes on, the Honduran National Front Against the Coup is consolidating the movement for a return to constitutional order and a constitutional assembly. It decided to boycott the elections and candidates are being met by angry demonstrations throughout the country.

Through a combination of spontaneous local organizing and an explicit decision from the Front, organizing efforts have spread from the capital city of Tegucigalpa into the departments. A rotating national committee with regional representatives was formed. On the Atlantic coast, the city of La Ceiba has been particularly active. Groups have formed to defend teachers arrested for suspending classes two days a week to participate in the resistance in La Ceiba, El Paraiso and other parts of the country. New women's organizations have also formed to join the resistance to the coup in western Honduras, and poor neighborhoods in Tegucigalpa have created their own organizations to coordinate community actions.

The National Agrarian Institute has been in the hands of anti-coup organizations since June 28 and demonstrations have paralyzed other government institutions for periods of time since the coup. A lively debate exists on how to step up the pressure through these actions while maintaining the commitment to non-violence and avoiding situations that could lead to violent repression and conflict. The defense of human rights is an on-going pillar of the movement, as demonstrators are faced with repression and arbitrary arrests.

The battle to oust the illegal regime is far from over. Grassroots organizations in the United States have mobilized to support Honduran efforts for democracy. Lisa Sullivan of School of the Americas Watch is now touring major U.S. cities (see schedule here) and a Rights Action will also be touring in October (more information at info@rightsaction.org). U.S. citizens can attend these events to learn about what the press is not reporting and find ways to support democracy in our Hemisphere
Posted by Laura Carlsen at 7:11 PM
Americas Blog

Sunday, August 23, 2009

Honduras Coup

CANCEL THE MEETING BETWEEN THE U.S. GOVERNMENT & THE HONDURAS COUP REGIME!
PLEASE Call the State Department (202-647-4000) on Monday August 24, 2009 …
[Ask ten friends, or fifty or more, to also call]
… AND SAY NO! to Hillary Clinton meeting with Honduran Coup Makers and Human Rights Violators.
According to State Department spokesperson Ian Kelly, an official delegation of the regime installed by military coup in Honduras is invited to Washington to meet with U.S. "officials".
The meeting will be to work "toward restoration of democratic and constitutional power in Honduras."
The regime has used State repression and terror since June 28th, including the killings of at least 10 people.
Since one day after the coup, the OAS (Organization of American States) labeled it an illegal regime and called for the “immediate and unconditional” restoration of President Zelaya and his government.
By once again welcoming an official delegation to Washington, the U.S. government would be obstructing the restoration of the legitimate government of President Zelaya and would be ‘legitimizing’ the illegal regime.
We ask everyone who cares about the right of the Hondurans to be free from a military-installed regime to call the State Department on Monday, at 202-647-4000, to ask for cancellation of any meeting in Washington with representatives of the illegal regime.
From: Committee in Solidarity with the Resistance to the Coup in Honduras, http://www.hondurasresists.org / info@hondurasresists.org / 617-610-3784

Friday, August 21, 2009

Speak out on Honduras

Over 90 Experts Call on Human Rights Watch to Speak Out on Honduras Abuses
WASHINGTON - August 21 - 93 scholars and Latin America experts from institutions such as Yale, Harvard, and New York University sent an open letter to Human Rights Watch today urging the organization to highlight various human rights violations in Honduras under the coup regime, and to conduct its own investigation. The signers, who include well-known experts on Latin America such as Eric Hershberg, John Womack, Jr., and Greg Grandin, Honduras experts such as Dana Frank and Adrienne Pine, and well-known authors including Noam Chomsky, John Pilger, and Naomi Klein, note that Human Rights Watch could help force the Obama administration to denounce the abuses and put greater pressure on the regime. Highlighting "politically-motivated killings, hundreds of arbitrary detentions, the violent repression of unarmed demonstrators, mass arrests of political opposition, and other violations of basic human rights," the letter notes that Human Rights Watch has not issued a statement or release on the situation in Honduras since July 8, a little over a week following the June 28 coup d'etat.

The signers write, "...the coup could easily be overturned, if the Obama administration sought to do so, by taking more decisive measures, such as canceling all U.S. visas and freezing U.S. bank accounts of leaders of the coup regime."

The letter comes just a day after Amnesty International issued a new report on the coup regime's violations of human rights in cracking down on protests, and as the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (part of the Organization of American States) wraps up a fact-finding delegation to Honduras. The author of the Amnesty International report, Esther Major, has stated

that the report was released to call on the international community to take action to "prevent a human rights crisis occurring in Honduras."