Thursday, July 29, 2021

Texas Governor Seeks to make it Illegal to assist Mirgrants.

ed. This is developing as a center piece of the Republican campaign for 2022 against immigrants,




Attorney General Merrick Garland on Thursday threatened the governor of Texas with legal action over a new order from the governor’s office prohibiting non-law enforcement officers from driving undocumented people anywhere. 


“The Order violates federal law in numerous respects, and Texas cannot lawfully enforce the Executive order against any federal official private parties working with the United States,” Garland wrote to Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R)

If Abbott does not rescind the order, Garland concluded, “the United States intends to pursue all appropriate legal remedies to ensure that Texas does not interfere with the functions of the federal government.” 


Abbott’s order prohibited anyone except federal, state or local law enforcement from providing ground transportation “to a group of migrants who have been detained by CBP for crossing the border illegally or who would have been subject to expulsion under the Title 42 order.” 

Title 42, first invoked during the Trump administration, allows the government to immediately expel undocumented migrants, even those seeking asylum, due to the pandemic. The Biden administration has exempted unaccompanied minors from the expulsion authority, but it’s continued to expel adults and families.


Abbott directed state troopers to “stop any vehicle upon reasonable suspicion of a violation of paragraph 1, and to reroute such a vehicle back to its point of origin or a port of entry if a violation is confirmed.” The order authorized state law enforcement to impound vehicles that violated its first two paragraphs.


The governor said he was issuing the order in light of the pandemic, but as local media noted, Abbott has prohibited mask mandates in the state, even in schools, and Texas has vaccinated less of its population than most other states in the nation. 

Immigration advocates criticizing the order said it would only heighten chaos at migrant shelters, and that it would encourage racial profiling from law enforcement.  

Multiple non-law-enforcement actors, including non-profits, state health authorities and others help undocumented people move around Texas and the nation after they initially cross the border, as they await court dates. 

Garland said the order would endanger law enforcement, exacerbate crowding in shelters and interfere with with court dates for undocumented people. He cited several paragraphs of legal precedent. 

“Texas cannot lawfully enforce the Executive Order against any federal official or private parties working with the United States,” he wrote, adding later that “Texas cannot regulate the operations of private parties performing tasks on behalf of the United States.” 

“Moreover,” he added, “Texas has no authority to interfere with the United States’ ‘broad, undoubted power over the subject of immigration’ by impairing the United States’ release of individuals and the ability of those individuals to comply with federal immigration law.” 

In short, Garland concluded before issuing his threat of legal action, “the Order is contrary to federal law and cannot be enforced.” 

36

 

 

Matt Shuham  (@mattshuham)  is a reporter in TPM’s New York office. Prior to joining TPM, he was associate editor of The National Memo and an editorial intern at Rolling Stone.

  

Tuesday, July 20, 2021

People of Color History in DSA



Two comrades in Sacramento have written a four part history of  people of color work in DSA. We congratulate them on their work and recommend it.

https://sacdsa.org/blog/2020/07/06/a-people-of-color-s-history-of-dsa-part-4-DSA-Looks-Inward/

 

At the same time, we must insist that the story of people of color in DSA is not only the story of African American participation. While mentioned in part two of the series, after that the work of the Anti Racism Commission and the Latino Commissions in DSA  disappear.   There needs to be a part five and six at least.  On our blog post  is a supplement to the four part series people of color history. The current  history of DSA as presented by the Sacramento writers  David Roddy and Alyssa De La Rosa  misses this important work. 

 

On our blog.

 

https://www.dsanorthstar.org/blog/people-of-color-history-of-dsa

 

Why is this important?

For the 2021 convention resolution # 36 calls for the rebuilding of an effort of Latino Organizing within DSA by chartering a Latino Socialistas Working Group. 

 

Here is that resolution.

https://convention2021.dsausa.org/files/sites/23/2021/05/2021-DSA-Convention-Resolutions-for-Secondary-Amendment-Review.pdf#page=126

The sections of the resolution explain well why DSA needs a Latino Socialist Working Group.  

Having spent my political career organizing along side the Latino community, and currently doing Immigrants rights work,  I find this resolution very important.  Of course a  Latino  agenda goes far beyond immigration issues,. Please support resolution 36.  

 

Posted by Duane Campbell 

 

 

 

 

Monday, July 19, 2021

Equal Rights for Migrant Workers


Equal Rights for Migrant Workers!

Stop the Farm Workforce 

Modernization Act!

Register here.



Many expected Joe Biden to make immigrant rights a top priority for his administration. While he has reversed some of the worst of Trump’s executive orders, he has kept the border closed, expelled hundreds of thousands of people, jailed thousands in detention facilities, and abandoned his immigration reform bill that would have at least opened some paths to legalization. 


Instead, he is pushing for the Farm Workforce Modernization Act (FWMA) that would further criminalize migrant workers in the interests of big agribusiness. Join this webinar to learn about the FWMA, strategize about how we can pressure our congressional delegation to stop its passage, and encourage them to stand up for equal rights for migrants. 


Speakers will include:

Representatives of Migrant Justice

Representatives of Vermont Interfaith Action

Liz Kessler, Community Voices for Immigrant Rights

And more to be announced. 


Register here.

Friday, July 09, 2021

Mijente Organizes for Power

 BUILDING LATINX POWER AND WHAT’S NEXT UNDER THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION

On June 24, 2021, Mijente gathered with donors and supporters to share the roots of Mijente and our latest strategies and tactics to build justice on the local and federal level in today’s new political climate. 

We spoke with Mijente’s Co-Founder and Director Marisa Franco, Senior Campaign Organizer Jacinta González, and Lane Santa Cruz, Council Member, Ward 1, City of Tucson, Arizona.

Mijente’s Roots: Contesting Power on All Fronts

Mijente’s Director Marisa opened up the event sharing that Latinx communities are one of the fastest growing populations in the United States. And any incredible demographic and social change in American history has been met with swift violence — “it’s as American as apple pie”. 

This means that Latinx people have a target on our backs. While our numbers might be growing, we still have unequal power as we continue to be criminalized more than ever before. 

Mijente was born to counteract this and build a grassroots organizing structure for Latinx people to come together, using multiple strategies and tactics, and contest power on all fronts. 

This means developing the people’s power to target corporations and governments, mobilize voters and impact elections, and develop community-led, autonomous efforts that give our people the resources we need for freedom. 

Contesting power on all fronts became especially important with the continued rise of the right and with Trump bombarding our communities through cruel policies. To fight this, working in electoral politics became one of Mijente’s newest strategies in 2020. 

Our goal was simple: make Trump a one-term president. 

To do this, Marisa spoke of needing to build an unprecedented movement to deliver the wins we need. Mijente mobilized our members, staff, and volunteers to canvass over 1 million people in the presidential election; reached 2-5 million people through social media, knocked on every single Latino door in the Georgia Senate run-off; and won key sheriff races in counties with long anti-immigrant histories. 

Listen to what Marisa has to share on the direction of Mijente: here

Mijente’s Next Priorities: Balancing Rapid Response and Long Term Strategy

Marisa further explained that today’s reshuffled political deck is as equally urgent as before. On one hand, we see the threat of the right’s powerful organizing. On the other, a fractious alliance with drastically different ideas about how to move forward.

And after such an exhausting year of loss and uncertainty, our communities deserve more. 

Which is why, moving forward, we are taking the time to invest in: 

  • Developing our first ever strategic blueprint to remain an adaptable and nimble rapid response organization but also develop long term plans for the sustainability of our organization. 
  • Strengthening our organizing muscles by developing new organizing and educational programming to bring more people into our movements. 
  • Expanding our work further in the Southeast and Southwest over the next several election cycles; our work has shown that we can win red states.

Most Impacted Communities Will Speak with DHS Secretary Mayorkas 

Mijente’s Senior Campaign Organizer Jacinta then spoke to our work under the new Biden administration. 

She said, “Biden ran on a platform of ‘I’m not Trump’ and we knew that wasn’t enough for our community to actually have safety and dignity. It’s not enough to not be Trump. You have to go farther to dismantle this infrastructure that’s created so much harm in our communities.”

Mijente responded to the Biden win by following up on long outstanding demands. Within Biden’s first 100 days, we organized a sprint of “Eyes on ICE: Truth and Accountability Forums”, 30 events across the country where 150 people testified about the horrors of the U.S. immigration system and the policy solutions we need. This has resulted in Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) accepting our invitation to meet with our most impacted community members to hear our stories and put forth our demands. We are in the process of scheduling this meeting as soon as possible. 

Listen to Jacinta’s perspective on our immigration work: here

Influencing ICE’s Enforcement Guidelines to Be Tools for Organizers 

Another opportunity Mijente has assessed as a key place to fight is ICE’s enforcement guidelines. DHS is developing these enforcement guidelines, which are essentially rules for how ICE agents act in the field, who they can arrest, and how long they can detain people, etc.

We, along with partner immigrant rights organizations, are working to be part of developing and influencing these guidelines to provide organizers, advocates, and lawyers a tool to empty our detention centers and close them down. 

People and Elected Officials Leading Together

Council Member Lane Santa Cruz of Ward 1 in Tucson, Arizona then spoke to us about how she decided to run for office and the role local politics can play in base building and organizing. 

Born and raised in Tucson, Lane recalls being very disconnected and not understanding local politics before running for office. It wasn’t until she experienced her own family shaken from the devastating loss of her older brother to a fentanyl overdose that she saw the structural ways we fail our communities. 

Lane decided then that she wanted to put her granito de arena to change her community. 

As a city council member, Lane works with Mijente to involve more community members in local politics through an experiment of co-governance. Co-governance is when elected officials listen to their constituents, rather than corporate lobbyists, and, together, they push forward policies that benefit the community. Mijente and Lane are using multiple strategies, such as canvassing 10,000 doors by the end of summer to find out people’s biggest priorities and inviting community members to join or start new neighborhood associations. 

Listen to more of Lane’s work and analysis: here

Through national and local organizing, from taking on ICE to building power in our communities, we are looking ahead to a year of solidifying our structure and being prepared to take our shot when the time comes.


Sunday, July 04, 2021

Justice for Farmworkers

 

Nearly half of all U.S. farmworkers lack legal status. The average farm wage was $13.99 an hour as of 2019, roughly 60% of the average non-farm wage.

Washington state farmworker and labor leader Edgar Franks, pictured, says the state's new overtime protections for farmworkers will allow parents to spend more time with their families and address longstanding racial inequities., Courtesy of Edgar Franks

 

Oregon state Rep. Ricki Ruiz grew up the son of two farmworkers, and he remembers his family’s struggles vividly.

“We almost faced eviction five times because we didn't have enough money for rent,” said Ruiz, a first-term Democrat. “We didn't go to the grocery store; we went to the food bank. We didn’t have extra clothes.”

Ruiz hopes to change that situation for farmworkers in Oregon. He sponsored a bill that will mandate that farmworkers be paid overtime for any work beyond 40 hours a week.

“If this legislation was passed when I was a kid, we would have had less stress in our family and my parents wouldn't have had to work 80 hours a week,” he said. “This will be life-changing for farmworkers. They will be able to make a living wage and support their families.”

The effort in Oregon follows bills passed earlier this year in Washington and Colorado to grant overtime pay to farmworkers. Lawmakers in Maine are considering a similar measure.

Currently, federal and most state laws exempt farmworkers from the overtime protections guaranteed to most other workers. Labor advocates say that precedent was set by the Fair Labor Standards Act in 1938, which was written to exclude Black field workers in order to win the support of Southern Democrats. Today, 83% of the nation’s farmworkers are Hispanic, according to the U.S. Department of Labor’s National Agricultural Workers Survey.

“The exclusion of farmworkers was rooted in racism and made possible by the feeling that it wasn't necessary to protect African Americans,” said Bruce Goldstein, president of Farmworker Justice, a Washington, D.C.-based advocacy and support group. “It's hard to believe that the exclusions of farmworkers from overtime pay and labor rights would continue if the majority of farmworkers were Caucasian.”

Nearly half of all U.S. farmworkers lack legal status, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Just more than a quarter of farmworkers are U.S.-born, according to the agency's numbers. The Economic Policy Institute, a left-leaning research think tank based in Washington, D.C., estimates about 10% are foreign workers in the United States on H-2A temporary visas. The average farm wage was $13.99 an hour as of 2019, roughly 60% of the average non-farm wage.

Some lawmakers interviewed by Stateline said the overtime bills they sponsored would apply to workers on H-2A visas, while others said theirs would not. The disparate rules in federal and state laws show the need for federal action, farmworker activists say. Some lawmakers also have proposed whistleblower protections because undocumented workers are unlikely to report wage theft if they fear retaliation.

Edgar Franks, a labor leader who picks raspberries and blueberries in Washington state, said overtime protections would not only boost wages, but also would keep families together.

“A lot of us grew up with our parents at work all day and our older family members taking care of us,” said Franks, political director for Familias Unidas por la Justicia, a farmworker union.

Last year brought renewed attention to racial justice and the frontline workers who face health risks in order to provide essential services. In several states, that spotlight led to the recognition of the plight of farmworkers, who advocates say are among the most vulnerable groups in the country. Lawmakers’ push to end inequities in overtime law has drawn support from President Joe Biden. But they’re up against the politically powerful agriculture industry, which asserts that new wage requirements would devastate farmers.

“Incremental change for farmworkers, who are the most devalued human lives in our country, has always been an uphill battle,” said Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns with United Farm Workers, the labor union founded by Cesar Chavez and other organizers. “But no industry should feel entitled to use up a human body at a rate it's not meant to endure.”

Agriculture industry groups say that farmers operate on thin margins, and they compete against other states and countries that grow the same products with less labor costs. They also note that farm work is seasonal, and requires immense amounts of work during harvest and planting times, which they believe is grounds for the longstanding farm work overtime exemption.

“Overtime requirements, especially a blanket, standardized mandate when there is nothing standard about farm work, would make it increasingly difficult for farmers to remain competitive, leading to small farms going out of business,” wrote Allison Crittenden, congressional relations director at the American Farm Bureau Federation, in a statement provided after a Stateline request for an interview.

Washington’s Law

Earlier this year, Washington state lawmakers passed a bill that will grant farmworkers time-and-a-half overtime pay, phasing in a 40-hour threshold by 2024. The new law was a response to a state Supreme Court ruling in 2020 that required dairy workers to be paid overtime.

“The deep-seated bias in agriculture is that labor needs to be as close to slavery as you can get it,” said Rosalinda Guillen, an activist with Community to Community Development, a Washington-based organization that focuses on food sovereignty and immigrant rights issues. “The court recognized the racist structure of the agriculture industry.”

Agribusiness groups expected the court to rule similarly for other farmworkers, and they feared farmers would be required to pay workers retroactively for overtime worked in years past. The result was a bill that established overtime pay while protecting farmers from retroactive claims. It was a long-awaited win for farmworkers and progressive activists, supported—albeit begrudgingly—by the agriculture industry and its Republican allies.

“Knowing that the court was very likely to impose this on us, we were open to a discussion on this being legislatively applied, as long as it was not done overnight,” said Jon DeVaney, president of the Washington State Tree Fruit Association.

Washington state Sen. Curtis King, the Republican who sponsored the overtime bill, said he did so to protect farm owners from retroactive payments, though he disagreed that the previous state law, passed in 1959, was evidence of systemic racism.

Despite sponsoring the bill, King still fears the overtime requirement could make it difficult for Washington farmers to compete with producers from other states or overseas.

“We can sit here all day long and say the going wage ought to be such and such for farmworkers,” he said. “You go try and pay it and stay in business and see what happens.”

Movement Elsewhere

At present, only six states—California, Hawaii, Maryland, New York, Minnesota and now Washington—offer any overtime coverage for farmworkers. Some of those states offer overtime only after 60 hours; California will phase in a 40-hour threshold by 2022.

Even though Washington’s law was forced by a court decision, farmworker advocates say it has renewed momentum for efforts in other states. Earlier this week, Colorado lawmakers passed the Farmworker Bill of Rights, which will give minimum wage and overtime rights to the state’s farmworkers. The measure also will allow workers to join labor unions, mandate rest and eating breaks, and offer whistleblower protections to workers who report unsafe conditions.

“The rights this bill will restore to these workers are rights that are enjoyed by almost every other worker in the state,” said Colorado state Sen. Jessie Danielson, the Democrat who sponsored the bill.

Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, a Democrat, has indicated he will sign the bill.

In Oregon, Ruiz’s bill is still in committee, but he’s hopeful it will advance this session, aligning the state’s policy with neighboring West Coast states.

“There's a majority of people of color working in the fields, and they're the ones being excluded from these resources,” Ruiz said. “I believe folks are going to appreciate that this region is honoring farmworkers. It will attract more workers and keep current workers.”

Ag industry groups disagree. They say agribusinesses won’t be able to afford the extra wages, and the law will cause them to limit hours, split shifts and increase mechanization—forcing farmworkers to take on multiple jobs just to make the same money as before.

“We heard from hundreds of farmers saying they would not be able to afford the bill as it was proposed, and ultimately it would result in a tremendous amount of job loss and wage reduction,” said Samantha Bayer, policy counsel with the Oregon Farm Bureau, which opposes the bill. “It’s a false promise that this would result in more wages.”

Farm groups across the country have made similar predictions about overtime proposals in different states. Labor advocates view them as a threat to punish farmworkers.

“‘The food system will be destroyed, the agriculture industry will be destroyed’—they say that about every single benefit that is given to farmworkers,” said Guillen, the Washington activist. “They have essentially said that if they have to pay farmworkers overtime, they’ll cut their hours and pay them less. That is insidious racially biased behavior.”

Maine state Rep. Thom Harnett, a Democrat who has sponsored his own farmworker overtime bill, acknowledged that farming is a challenging industry.

“There's a great deal of empathy for that industry, and I share that,” he said. “I just don't share putting it on the backs of the workers to be the ones who suffer the most. Because of these exceptions, we have farmworkers who have been stuck in poverty for generation after generation.”

Farming groups say that overtime doesn’t make sense in an industry that requires immense amounts of work during seasonal periods such as planting and harvest time. To account for this, Hawaii’s law, for example, has a seasonality clause, which raises overtime thresholds during certain periods of the year. Farmers in Washington sought unsuccessfully to include a similar provision in their state’s bill.

“In agriculture, there are seasonal activities where you can safely work more for short bursts of activity,” said DeVaney, the fruit tree farming advocate. “There are periods of the year where we have longer hours worked, and the work is by nature physically demanding.”

Harnett noted that many itinerant farmworkers don’t get a reprieve from those cycles. Some laborers travel among states to find work in different regional growing seasons, often living in employer-provided housing.

“We hear that farming is a unique business, because there's this intense period of planting and harvest,” he said. “For the farmworker, their life is that intense period over and over again.”

Harnett’s bill has passed through a House committee but has not yet received a vote before the full House.

National Efforts

Activists were encouraged last month when Biden issued a statement praising Washington’s farmworker overtime bill.

“For too long—and owing in large part to unconscionable race-based exclusions put in place generations ago—farmworkers have been denied some of the most fundamental rights that workers in almost every other sector have long enjoyed,” Biden said.

U.S. Rep. Raul Grijalva, an Arizona Democrat who has been a leading voice on the issue, reintroduced the Fairness for Farm Workers Act last month, which would end federal overtime and minimum wage exemptions for farmworkers, although it would not apply to those on H-2A visas. The bill is included in the Biden administration’s immigration plan.

Alex Brown covers environmental issues for Stateline. Prior to joining Pew, Brown wrote for The Chronicle in Lewis County, Washington state. He’s won awards for investigative reporting and feature writing from the Pacific Northwest Newspaper Association. In 2017, Brown thru-hiked the 2,650-mile Pacific Crest Trail, which traverses mountain ranges from the Mexican border to the Canadian border. He previously was a congressional correspondent for National Journal, where he covered energy and environment, technology and campaigns. Brown graduated from Union University and is a native of Michigan.

Stateline provides daily reporting and analysis on trends in state policy. Since its founding in 1998, Stateline has maintained a commitment to the highest standards of nonpartisanship, objectivity, and integrity. Its team of veteran journalists combines original reporting with a roundup of the latest news from sources around the country.

Sign up for email newsletters from The Pew Charitable Trusts. You'll get our latest findings and recommendations—plus opportunities to advocate for the issues you care about.

 

Saturday, July 03, 2021

UN Report Calls for Action to Root Out Racism

 U.N. Report Calls for Sweeping Action to Root Out Racism

Nick Cumming-Bruce 
June 28, 2021
New York Times

The United Nations human rights chief urged nations to take action to root out systemic racism against people of African descent on Monday, as she released a report calling for measures to dismantle discrimination and for sweeping changes to policing, as well as reparations.

“The status quo is untenable,” Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, said in a statement. “Systemic racism needs a systemic response. There is today a momentous opportunity to achieve a turning point for racial equality and justice.”

The 20-page report and an accompanying 95-page conference paper draw on evidence from 60 countries. Work on them started after the May 2020 death of George Floyd, a Black man killed in Minnesota by a white police officer. Its release comes days after the officer, Derek Chauvin, was sentenced to 22 and a half years in prison.

“We could not find a single example of a state that has fully reckoned with the past or comprehensively accounted for the impacts on the lives of people of African descent today,” said Mona Rishmawi, who supervised the preparation of the report.

The United Nations human rights office, which prepared the report, recommends creation of a commission or some other body with a one- or two-year mandate to scrutinize and monitor law enforcement.

It urges a reimagining of policing to address racial stereotyping, the militarization of weapons and tactics, and a lack of accountability.

The report draws on interviews with more than 340 people and more than 100 written submissions from civil society and academic organizations. It points to common patterns of experience for people of African descent in Europe, Latin America and North America contending with poverty and with barriers to education, health care, jobs and political participation.

The report spotlights the deaths of 190 people of African descent who died at the hands of law-enforcement officers, most of them in the United States, pointing out that few of the victims posed a threat.

It analyzes seven emblematic cases, including those involving Mr. Floyd and Breonna Taylor in the United States, together with cases from Brazil, Britain, Colombia and France. Only the death of Mr. Floyd has resulted in police being held to account.

But the deaths recorded in the preparation of this report were just “the tip of the iceberg,” Ms. Rishmawi noted. She cited a mother in Latin America who protested “you always talk about George Floyd, every day we have a George Floyd and nobody talks about it.”

The report calls for reparations as an essential step to addressing the suffering inflicted by slavery and colonialism. Monetary compensation was important, the report said, but reparations “should not only be equated with financial compensation.” They could also include formal acknowledgment and apologies, educational reform and measures to commemorate the experience of people of African descent, it said.

Ms. Bachelet will present the report to the United Nations Human Rights Council next month at the start of a debate that will test the Biden administration’s willingness to engage on racism in a multilateral setting.

In a written statement in Monday, the State Department said it had received a copy of the report that it supports “the amplification of victims’ voices, as well as those of their families and communities in all countries.”

“The United States is committed to treating every person with dignity, upholding human rights, championing opportunity, defending freedom, and strengthening the rule of law,” the statement said. “We recognize that our country has not always lived up to these ideals, particularly for African Americans and other people of color.”

Nick Cumming-Bruce reports from Geneva, covering the United Nations, human rights and international humanitarian organizations. Previously he was the Southeast Asia reporter for The Guardian for 20 years and the Bangkok bureau chief of The Wall Street Journal Asia. 

 

 

The Reality Check: WHO'S "TAKING" FROM WHOM?

The Reality Check: WHO'S "TAKING" FROM WHOM?: WHO'S "TAKING" FROM WHOM? The Supreme Court's Real Target - Farmworkers' Organizing Rights By David Bacon The Nation, ...

Tuesday, June 29, 2021

California Rent Relief Available

 

Duan --

After over a year of grassroots organizing across the entire state of California to #CancelRent, yesterday, the California legislature passed AB 832, effectively allowing rent debt for most tenants and landlords to be paid off by the state. All of it.

A year ago, this was unimaginable. A year ago, we were deep in the throws of a pandemic with no end in sight for an economic or public health recovery. We still have a long way to go, but today’s vote signals a huge victory for renters that have been waiting in fear of being hit with crushing rent debt.

Here’s the catch: CA has allocated $5.2B to pay off all rent debt, but there is no guarantee that renters and landlords will get that relief IF the money runs out! 

That means we need to get as many renters applying for this relief as soon as possible. ACCE is ramping up a mass social media, radio and door to door campaign to ensure renters across California apply for rent relief today, and have support in applying for it!Donate to support us reaching out to all California renters to ensure they get the relief and support they need!

We know who needs this money the most: it’s Black and Brown renters and working class Californians who have been hit hardest by the pandemic and are the most at risk of eviction and rent debt caused by systemic racism in our labor and housing systems. 

Rollout of relief has been very slow so far, and landlords have used all sorts of tactics to get tenants out of their homes, so we’re going to need all the help we can get to get the word out to renters to apply, to inform them of their rights, and help them organize to stay housed. Chip in to our campaign to make sure all California renters know their rights and get the relief they need!

We know there is more work to do in cleaning up the eviction moratorium. Yes, there is more work to do to hold landlords accountable after they’ve received a $5.2B taxpayer bailout. But right now, what’s most important is getting rent cancelled for as many renters in California as possible.

Join the effort to get relief into the hands of as many renters as possible and donate now!

In solidarity,

Patricia


Duan --

Después de más de un año de organizar comunidades de base en todo el estado de California para #CancelarLaRenta, ayer, la legislatura de California aprobó el proyecto de ley AB 832, permitiendo efectivamente que el estado pague la deuda de alquiler de la mayoría de los inquilinos y propietarios. Toda.

Hace un año, esto era inimaginable. Hace un año, estábamos sumidos en una pandemia sin final a la vista para una recuperación económica o de salud pública. Todavía tenemos un largo camino por recorrer, pero la votación de hoy marca una gran victoria para los inquilinos que han estado esperando con temor a verse afectados por una abrumadora deuda de alquiler.

Aquí está el detalle: CA ha asignado $5.2 mil millones para pagar todas las deudas de alquiler, pero no hay garantía de que los inquilinos y propietarios obtengan esa ayuda si se acaba el dinero.

Eso significa que debemos conseguir que la mayor cantidad de inquilinos soliciten esta ayuda lo antes posible. ACCE está intensificando una campaña masiva en las redes sociales, la radio y de puerta en puerta para garantizar que los inquilinos en todo California soliciten la ayuda del alquiler hoy y tengan apoyo para solicitarlo. Dona para ayudarnos a llegar a todos los inquilinos de California para garantizar que reciban la ayuda y el apoyo que necesitan.

Sabemos quién necesita más este dinero: son los inquilinos afro-americanos y Latinos y los californianos de clase trabajadora los que han sido más afectados por la pandemia y son los que corren mayor riesgo de desalojo y deudas de alquiler causadas por el racismo sistémico en nuestros sistemas laborales y de vivienda.

La implementación de la ayuda ha sido muy lenta hasta ahora, y los propietarios han usado todo tipo de tácticas para sacar a los inquilinos de sus hogares, por lo que necesitaremos toda la ayuda que podamos para hacer correr la voz a los inquilinos para que presenten su solicitud, informarles de sus derechos y ayudarlos a organizarse para permanecer alojados. ¡Participa en nuestra campaña para asegurarte de que todos los inquilinos de California conozcan sus derechos y obtengan la ayuda que necesitan!

Sabemos que hay más trabajo por hacer para reforzar la moratoria de desalojos. Sí, hay más trabajo por hacer para responsabilizar a los propietarios después de haber recibido un rescate de $5.2 mil millones de parte de los contribuyentes de impuestos. Pero en este momento, lo más importante es que se cancele el alquiler de la mayor cantidad posible de inquilinos en California.

¡Únete al esfuerzo para llevar la ayuda a la mayor cantidad posible de inquilinos y has una donación ahora!

En solidaridad,

Patricia

ACCE Action
http://www.acceaction.org/

Saturday, June 19, 2021

When ICE Comes Knocking

 




What to do if ICE comes KNOCKING - Do you know your rights? (English & Spanish) https://issuu.com/news_review/docs/ice_110918?e=2059002/65749844 dd caption

Forget the Alamo- Read

 


Nic Yeager 
June 10, 2021
Texas Observer
Three Texan authors build on a long tradition of dissent from patriotic accounts of Texas history in a new book on the racism baked into our story of the Alamo.

A photograph of Alamo Plaza from approximately 1910, showing the Hugo & Schmeltzer building attached to the Alamo church., Adina Emilia de Zavala Papers, di_10567, The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin

 

As a former student of Texas public schools, much of what I remember from Texas history class boils down to this: General López de Santa Anna, of Mexico, was evil incarnate—my old friends and I still marvel at how much this was hammered into our heads—and the Texas Revolution was a fight for liberty against the tyrannical Mexican government. The Battle of the Alamo, where Texian fighters held out for 13 days and then were slaughtered by Mexican forces, has long been a central part of that story. Every Texan has been told to “remember the Alamo.” 

It doesn’t look like that will change any time soon. On Monday, Governor Greg Abbott signed a bill creating “The 1836 Project,” designed to “promote patriotic education” about the year Texas seceded from Mexico. In other words, the law will create a committee to ensure that educational materials centering “Texas values” are provided at state landmarks and encouraged in schools. This comes on the heels of the “critical race theory” bill that has passed through the Legislature, which would restrict how teachers can discuss current events and teach history. The American Historical Association has described the bill as “whitewashing American history,” stating: “Its apparent purposes are to intimidate teachers and stifle independent inquiry and critical thought among students.”

 


Penguin/Random House

 

Nevertheless, a new book co-authored by three Texas writers, Bryan Burrough, Chris Tomlinson, and Jason Stanford, urges us to reconsider the Alamo, a symbol we’ve been taught to fiercely and uncritically remember. The authors are aware that their book sounds like a desecration. Starting with the cover of Forget the Alamo: The Rise and Fall of An American Mythout this week from Penguin Press, the authors lean into associations of defacement with the title scrawled in what looks like red spray paint across an image of the old mission.

Written for popular audiences, the book challenges what the authors refer to as the “Heroic Anglo Narrative.” The traditional telling, which Texas public schools are still required to teach, glorifies the nearly 200 men who came to fight in an insurrection against Mexico in 1836. The devastation at the Alamo turned those men into martyrs leaving behind the prevailing story that they died for liberty and justice. Yet the authors of Forget the Alamo argue that the entire Texas Revolt—“which wasn’t really a revolt at all”—had more to do with protecting slavery from Mexico’s abolitionist government. As they explain it, and as Chicano writers, activists, and communities have long agreed, the events that occurred at the Alamo have been mythologized and used to demonize Mexicans in Texas history and obscure the role of slavery.

Taking a comprehensive look at how the mythos of the Alamo has been molded, Burrough, Tomlinson, and Stanford paint a picture of American slaveholders’ racism as it made its way into Texas. In their stories of these early days, they peel back the facade of the holy trinity of Alamo figures: Jim Bowie, William Barret Travis, and Davy Crockett. All three died at the Alamo and their surnames are memorialized on schools, streets, buildings, and even entire counties. They pull no punches describing Bowie as a “murderer, slaver, and con man;” Travis as “a pompous, racist agitator;” and Crockett as a “self-promoting old fool.”

In the nearly 200 years that followed the battle, we learn about the mechanics of how false histories were reinforced by patriotic white scholars and zealous legislators, including the “Second Battle of the Alamo,” when a Tejana schoolteacher fought to preserve a significant area of the compound. Ultimately she was silenced by the moneyed white elite in San Antonio who sought to transform it into a flashy park instead, and the authors suggest that this moment “represented the victory of mythmaking over historical accuracy.”

Well into the 20th century, it was rare that critical studies of the Alamo were taken seriously, although Latinx writers in the 1920s and Chicano activists in the 1960s wrote their own accounts of Tejano history. Starting in the middle of the century, Hollywood further cemented the profoundly conservative folklore through mass entertainment: In 1948, Walt Disney, fed up with left-leaning labor unions, made a television series on Davy Crockett to encourage “traditional” American values like patriotism, courage, self-sufficiency, and individual liberty, the authors write. John Wayne, a rabid anti-Communist, had similar motivations behind his vision for the film The Alamo, in 1960. Meant to draw parallels with the Soviet Union, Wayne’s characterization of Santa Anna was intended to portray “a bloodthirsty dictator trying to crush good men fighting for self-determination.” 

Burrough, Tomlinson, and Stanford are all white male writers, which raises questions. Will this book be afforded the attention and legitimacy that related works by non-white authors haven’t been? Probably, but it shouldn’t. The authors are transparent about the fact that they are far from the first to present an alternative to the “Heroic Anglo Narrative,” and cite Latinx scholarship and perspectives throughout. “We trace its roots to the oral traditions of the Mexican American community, elements of which have long viewed the Alamo as a symbol of Anglo oppression,” they write early on. They dedicate multiple sections to the Mexican American experience of the Alamo myth, highlighting how widespread it is in the Latino community to experience shame and harassment within their school classrooms for being associated with the “bloody dictator” Santa Anna and being “the bad guys.” 

The book is aimed at white readers and toward people who haven’t heard these alternative tellings before, which leads to a slightly more moderated tone, and despite their robust critiques, the authors seem conflicted about how strongly to indict Texas history overall. There’s still so much more to unravel about early Texas, especially for Native Americans, whose histories they rarely delve into: The story of the Alamo before 1800—it was built in 1718 by Spanish missionaries to convert Indigenous people to Christianity—is reduced to about a page. If Forget the Alamo becomes a definitive text of revisionist Texas history, there’s a serious question of whether non-white writers, activists, and scholars will ever get their due. There’s also a question of whether the truth they’ve voiced for generations will prevail: When will it finally be normal within Texas history scholarship to call the whole foundation rotten?

Still, the book provides strong, provocative critiques of U.S. imperialism and colonialism. The writers make clear that even before Mexico gained its independence from Spain in 1821, U.S. presidents and Washington insiders were invested in—and had a hand in—destabilizing the region in the hopes of eventually annexing Texas. Forget the Alamo also turns to LBJ, who once said, “Hell, Vietnam is just like the Alamo,” and suggests that the patriotic, pioneering myth of the Alamo has been used to buttress justifications for war across the globe and to the present.

The myth of the Alamo, as we know it, is a lie. It’s been a part of the lie students have learned in school, and animates the lies peddled by legislation like the 1836 Project and the critical race theory bill. But if you want to truly remember the past, you first have to forget it.

[Nic Yeager is the culture fellow at the Observer and the author of the guidebook 111 Places in Austin That You Must Not Miss.]