Rodolfo F. Acuña
U.S. Circuit Judge A. Wallace Tashima has made his
decision to uphold disparate treatment of Mexican Americans, and the
constitutionality of HB 2281. The purpose of this law was to destroy Tucson
Unified School District’s Mexican American Studies Program. In doing so,
Tashima returned us to the times of Joseph McCarty.
The Arizona law broadly banned courses that promote
the overthrow of the U.S. government, foster racial resentment, were designed
for students of a particular ethnic group or that advocated ethnic solidarity.
The penalty if Tucson did not comply was that the
district would lose 10 percent of its annual funding -- some $14 million over a
fiscal year.
Tashima ruled that the plaintiffs “failed to show
the law was too vague, broad or discriminatory, or that it violated students’
first amendment rights.” On the positive side, he held that courses
made-to-serve students of a particular ethnic group were not unconstitutional,
which seems to imply that it is alright to ban ethnic studies programs.
The ruling raised more questions than it answered.
The judge’s legal reasoning and wording was not consistent with his previous
decisions, and it left me with the feeling that it had been written by law
clerks and that the decision was not properly vetted by Tashima who has been
more precise in previous rulings. A survivor of the Japanese internment camps,
he had been expected to be sensitive to the rampant racism in Arizona.
Tashima noted that Attorney General Tom Horne’s
anti-Mexican American Studies ardor bordered on discriminatory conduct, saying
that Horne’s “single-minded focus on terminating the MAS (Mexican-American
Studies) program” raised concerns.
Then Tashima engaged in mental gymnastics:
"Although some aspects of the record may be viewed to spark suspicion that
the Latino population has been improperly targeted, on the whole, the evidence
indicates that Defendants targeted the MAS program, not Latino students,
teachers or community members who participated in the program." This
conclusion is mind boggling.
This wrongheaded logic would condone the bombing of
a village as long as the villagers were not targeted.
The truth be told, HB 2281 targeted Mexican students
in particular restricting their right to learn about the history and culture of
their parents. It deprived Anglo-Americans and others of the right to learn a
broader history that includes Mexican Americans and other minorities.
The state also sanctioned the banning of books
because Attorney General Horne and Superintendent John Huppenthal did not
approve of them. It is clear from the record that the reason for banning the
books was political and had nothing to do with fact. It is also clear that
reputable education evaluators found the books were not unpatriotic, did not
promote racial divisions or that they were written for a particular ethnic
group. The fact that they are about Mexican Americans or other minorities does
not prove that they fall within the objections of the defendants.
In sum, the court held “a student’s First Amendment
rights are infringed when books that have been determined by the school
district to have legitimate educational value are removed from a mandatory
reading list because of threats of damages, lawsuits, or other forms of
retaliation.” And may I add the whim of public elected officials.
Many of the books in Tucson were banned because they
were written by Native and Mexican American authors. They have not been proven
to distort history.
Tashima’s state authority was not that of a
professional educator, not that of a legal scholar, but an administrative Law
Judge who listens to liquor license and insurance claims. The ALJ was someone
that the superintendent of instruction for all intents and purposes dragged off
the street, and to make things worse was appointed by the state.
Tashima repeats that it would have been illegal if
HB 2281 or the banning of the books would have been motivated by a discriminatory
purpose. He admits that Tom Horne made repeated attempts to ban MAS in TUSD;
that Huppenthal promised to “Stop La Raza.” Despite this Tashima ignores
discriminatory purpose. He accepts the argument that people are rounded up and
put into internment camps for their own protection.
Disparate treatment in job discrimination is when an
individual of a protected group is singled out and treated “less favorably than
others similarly situated on the basis of an impermissible criterion under
Title VII.” When proven that the employer's actions were motivated by
discriminatory intent it is a violation. Women cannot be treated differently
than men and so on.
The preponderance of evidence shows that Horne has
singled out Mexican Americans for the enforcement of 2281. Despite this Tashima
has ruled that he believes what the ALJ found and that is okay to enforce the
2281 against Mexican Americans and not whites, African-Americans, Asian
Americans or Native Americans.
The ruling concerns most civil rights minded people.
It says that the First Amendment does not protect student or teacher rights to
receive information restricting access and that political officials can forbid
the classroom use of a book based solely on “ideological content.” The ruling
legalizes censorship. None of the books banned have been reviewed by experts in
the field or publicly vetted.
The Tashima ruling is frightening because there is
no restraint on the power of the states, which was what the 14th Amendment was all about. Taken to
its logical conclusion it nullifies Brown v. the Board of Education.
Tashima improperly grants the State absolute
discretion in devising its curriculum. This is frightening in a state like
Arizona where the Koch brothers, ALEC and other special interests have seized
control of government and are benefiting from the privatization of education,
the prisons and public institutions. Arizona is a state where elected officials
are attempting to nullify the U.S. Constitution.
What bothers me is that Tashima’s law clerks were
not even clever in their reasoning. They cite the Plaintiffs’ use of the verb
“promote” as impermissibly broadening the statute. Tashima’s clerks cite as their
authority Webster’s Third New Int’l Dictionary 1815 (2002). I would have
expected this from a freshman but not a legal scholar.
The bottom line is that it all comes down to Supreme
Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s remark that “I would hope that a wise Latina
woman with the richness of her experiences would more often than not reach a better
conclusion than a white male who hasn’t lived that life.”
This statement pertains to Tashima. I would have
hoped that a judge with his life experiences would have examined the context in
which Horne, Huppenthal and the gaggle white politicos made the decisions to
ban Mexican American studies and ban the books. The political motivations of
the Arizona Attorney General and the state superintendent of schools are
obvious – just read their public statements.
Reasonable people can also raise other questions.
Does American education, for example, promote racial solidarity among whites? A
reading of the history of American Education shows that public education was
and is designed for white students. The content, the books and its standards
are to promote Americanization. Neither Mexican American Studies nor any other
other ethnic studies program has those objectives. They are taught
within the context of the American experience.
I will not speak to Tashima’s claim that the facial
vagueness of the plaintiffs’ challenge must fail for many of the same
reasons. Again, I go back to Sotomayor’s statement that “I would hope
that a wise Latina woman with the richness of her experiences would more often
than not reach a better conclusion than a white male who hasn’t lived that
life.” I would have expected someone with Tashima’s life experiences to have
understood what is happening in Arizona. However, I cannot speak for his
clerks.
What did Horne mean when he vowed that he would
eliminate Mexican American Studies? When he made the statement that Mexican
American Studies was trying to retake the Southwest? What did Tashima make of
the fact that Arizona has avoided a federal court order to desegregate since
the 1970s? What did he think about Huppenthal’s dismissal of the $112,000
Cambium study which refuted all of his claims about Mexican American studies?
Does this not speak to motivation?
Look at the public record and consider the assassination
of 9 year old Brisenia Flores in 2009. Does this not speak to discrimination?
As I have said on numerous occasions this culture
war is being directed against Mexican Americans and the state and federal
courts don’t care. I entered this case, not because I was fighting for
individuals, but because of the 2281. Tashima has opened the door to a singling
out of brown people throughout this nation. The ruling is a threat that rises
above our petty differences and jealousies.
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